Arab Forum For alternatives think tank seeks to perpetuate the values ​​of scientific thinking in Arab societies, and is working to address issues of political, social and economic development in the framework of the traditions and rules of scientific, away from the language of incitement and propaganda, in the framework of respect for political contexts and social systems, as well as universal human values. It is working to provide space for the interaction of experts, activists and researchers interested in issues of reform in the Arab region, governed by scientific principles and respect for diversity, is also keen Forum to offer policy alternatives and the potential social, not just hoped for the decision maker and the elites of different political and civil society organizations, in the framework of respect for the values ​​of justice and democracy .
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Many are confused by the senseless wars now spreading like wildfire throughout the Arab region. Some think that these conflicts have deep-rooted internal causes, such as the tension between Islamists and liberals. Others look at these conflicts from a sectarian and ethnic perspective and consider them rooted in fundamental disputes between religious or sectarian ideologies or between tribes and provincial regions. There is yet a third group that sees this as a crisis of old regimes that want to forestall the political changes initiated by the Arab revolutions and the foreign interventions that caused chaos in the region. There is no doubt that each of these different characterizations of the current conflicts in the Arab region has evidence to support its interpretation and its own proposals on whether these conflicts can be tackled and if so, how. Nevertheless, none of these characterizations are sufficient to understand the complex dynamics causing the current political divisions in Arab societies, especially in those states that are experiencing fierce conflicts such as Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Libya. For these places, the tendency towards over-simplification in explaining the causes of strife has a profound effect on policy making and the practical solutions necessary to end this strife. Furthermore, some of the recommendations put forward in Western capitals, such as the division of these states into sectarian cantons, could lead to even more violent wars in the future.

Published in موضوع # 1

Radical religious groups witnessed three phases of transformation in their contemporary history. They started with big jihadi organizations then were reduced to small cells until big organizations made a powerful comeback that was distinguished by the use of tactics that were quite different from those used by their predecessors in the 1970s.

Published in موضوع # 1

 

This Issue:

Follow-ups

French from Arabic origins: crisis of integration. A Follow –up paper

Future of Egyptian-Saudi relations in he light of regional and international changes. A Follow –up paper

Issues

Al-Azhar and Democratic transformation in Egypt. Dr. Georges Sarwat Fahmi

Syria: Military interactions momentum on a moving map. Rabha Seif Allam

Women and Citizenship: Reading the religious capital. Dr. Sameh Fawzy

Book of the issue

Book Review: Reinventing Democracy (From Greece to Occupy) Shimaa Elsharkawy

Article

Policy recommendation for the European Union towards a positive role to

achieve social justice in the Arab world . Heba Khalil

Youth movements, that became very active during the transitional period and till now, are among the most important manifestations of new ideas of aiming at changing the rules of the political game after the January 25th revolution. This paper aims at analyzing work and activities of these youth movements and nature of challenges they face pursuing changing the rules of the political game after the revolution and to what extent they can replace these rules with new ones.

This paper is available in Arabic

 

It seemed that the Arab revolutions came at the backdrop of a somehow clear absence of the Left factions and forces at the level of action as well as at the level of political impact in the Arab street on the different causes and concerns of the citizens. Still, Leftist forces, old as well as other new ones, born from the womb of the conflict in the last years of the new millennium, have tried to play different roles in connecting with the waves of the Arab Spring and trying to reorganize their ranks and their political cards as players who are supposed to be the main ones in the roaring mass movement which is raising slogans calling for political, economic, and social rights that have been stolen from them over the past decades.

 

It seemed that the Arab revolutions came at the backdrop of a somehow clear absence of the Left factions and forces at the level of action as well as at the level of political impact in the Arab street on the different causes and concerns of the citizens. Still, Leftist forces, old as well as other new ones, born from the womb of the conflict in the last years of the new millennium, have tried to play different roles in connecting with the waves of the Arab Spring and trying to reorganize their ranks and their political cards as players who are supposed to be the main ones in the roaring mass movement which is raising slogans calling for political, economic, and social rights that have been stolen from them over the past decades.

 

The challenge facing post-revolution Egypt is to draft a new Constitution which meets the aspirations of all Egyptian citizens and which provides a firm foundation to secure democratic and accountable government in Egypt. Following the fall of the Mubarak regime in January 2011, the process of Constitutional reform provides Egypt with an opportunity to make a break with past and address the inequalities and authoritarian behaviour which characterised the Mubarak regime. Yet despite these being the fundamental stated aims of the revolution, there exist, in the light of President Mursi’s Decree of 22nd November 2012, justified concerns that power is once again being concentrated in the hands of the President without any accompanying checks and balances.

 

The challenge facing post-revolution Egypt is to draft a new Constitution which meets the aspirations of all Egyptian citizens and which provides a firm foundation to secure democratic and accountable government in Egypt. Following the fall of the Mubarak regime in January 2011, the process of Constitutional reform provides Egypt with an opportunity to make a break with past and address the inequalities and authoritarian behaviour which characterised the Mubarak regime. Yet despite these being the fundamental stated aims of the revolution, there exist, in the light of President Mursi’s Decree of 22nd November 2012, justified concerns that power is once again being concentrated in the hands of the President without any accompanying checks and balances.